【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
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us territories中文 在 本土研究社 Liber Research Community Facebook 的精選貼文
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「明日新界——挑戰與機遇」工作坊
去年政府公佈「明日大嶼」的人工島填海計劃,1,700公頃的填海規模,牽起了公眾爭議。現時香港主要的土地都來自新界,若果要解決土地問題,或許一個更好的新界土地規劃,才是香港未來土地願景的所在﹖
本土研究社與中大未來城市研究所及創建香港 (創建香港 Designing Hong Kong),正合辦了一個名為「明日新界——挑戰與機遇」的全日工作坊,一起思考及推動有關未來新界規劃發展作為終極對應現今土地問題的方案。是次活動亦是響應聯合國世界城市倡議 (World Urban Campaign) 的議程之一,期望透過公眾參與活動建立世界不同地方的城市議程及推動政策改革。
日期:3月16日 (星期六)
時間:10:00am - 4:00pm
地點:綜合教學大樓,香港中文大學
工作坊流程
10時正 – 登記
10時15分– 工作坊簡介
11時正 – 分組討論 (3組廣東話與1組英語)
12時30分– 午餐
2 時正 – 分組討論 (3組廣東話與1組英語)
3 時正 – 綜合討論成果報告與總結
4 時正 – 終結
現誠邀各位關注香港土地發展未來的朋友參與是次活動,將有助建立民間城市改革議程。報名表格:https://goo.gl/forms/ic5sLFnX7D1TGRa53
New Territories Tomorrow: Challenges and Opportunities
http://web5.arch.cuhk.edu.hk/urbande…/urbanthinkers2019.html
如有查詢,請聯絡 timchan@cuhk.edu.hk
us territories中文 在 黃浩銘 Raphael Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
請支持「在囚抗爭者支援基金」,履行公民社會對在囚抗爭者的責任。
為支援上述16位抗爭者,基金今日開始會向公眾募款,目標是400萬元,以支付以下各項:
- 向在囚申請人提供每人每月10,000元定額支援金,本基金不會作任何審查;
- 日常探訪在囚申請人的支援費用,包括在囚者日用品物資費、親友探訪之交通費等;
- 申請者入獄後因相關訴訟而引致的開支或法援分擔費;
- 基金日常運作的必要開支,如核數費用、職員薪金等;
東北支援組、社民連、香港眾志、大專政關四個有成員被政治檢控的團體,於8月20日發起聲援抗爭者遊行及集會。感謝市民踴躍捐款,當日籌得之港幣253萬元將全數撥捐本基金,作為首筆捐款。
公眾人士可以銀行轉帳或支票方式捐款。支票抬頭為「香港職工會聯盟」,寄往「香港西灣河耀興道七十二號聖十字架中心六樓 香港天主教正義和平委員會收」,信件及支票背面註明「在囚抗爭者支援基金」;捐款亦可直接存入「香港職工會聯盟」設立之基金之戶口,恆生銀行︰295-164578-009。
( 中文版本請參閱:http://bit.ly/2wgGiE9 )
Imprisoned Activists Support Fund (IASF)
13 activists who protested against the North East New Territories Development and the 3 activists who "stormed" the government HQ Civic Square was re-sentenced to 6-13 months of imprisonment due to the sentence review by Justice Department.
Imprisoned Activists Support Fund (IASF) was founded to support their financial need and litigation cost of these 16 activists while they are imprisoned and to fulfill our civil social responsibility towards them. Margaret Ng Ngoi-yee, HUI Po-keung, Andrew To Yiu-ming and Denise Ho Wan-see are the trustees of IASF and the sole decision makers for matters relating to the fund, IASF is independent from any organizations and political parties.
To support the 16 imprisoned activists, IASF intends to raise HK$4 million from the public, which will be used for:
- a fixed $10,000 monthly allowance for each imprisoned applicant while serving the sentence
- buying basic necessities for the imprisoned applicants and travelling expenses for prison visits
- Related litigation costs incurred after imprisonment
- Operating expenditure of the Fund such as audit fee and salary
IASF does not accept any conditional donations, and will announce the amount and identity of the donor if donations over HK$100,000 was received and the identity of donor was made known to the Trustees. IASF has set up a secretariat to assist the day to day administrative work and has entrusted The Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions to set up a dedicated bank account to receive donations and to disburse payments.
The HK$2.53 million raised on 20th August in the demonstration organized by the “North East Support Group”, “League of Social Democrats”, “Demosistō” and “Students Fight For Democracy” was donated to IASF as the startup donation. We thank Hong Kong residents for their support.
**************
Donation methods --
1. Please send cheque to
6/F., Holy Cross Centre, 72 Yiu Hing Road, Sai Wan Ho, Hong Kong
Cheque payable to "Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions"
Attention to "Imprisoned Activists Support Fund"
2. Bank Transfer to "Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions"
Account no.: Hang Seng Bank 295-164578-009
3. International Wire Transfer
Bank Name : Hang Seng Bank Limited
Branch : Hankow Road Branch, Hong Kong
Bank Address : No.4, Hankow Road, Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon, Hong Kong
Remittance Address: 83, Des Voeux Road Central, Hong Kong
Account Name : Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions
Account Number : 024-295-164578-009
Swift Code : HASE HKHH
For enquiries and donation receipts, please contact us via Facebook message or iasfhk2017@gmail.com. Donations are not eligible for tax deduction.
us territories中文 在 Laowu老吳 Youtube 的最佳解答
最後生還者:重製版-遗落Left Behind前傳Part 2
**透劇者一律被封鎖BAN帳號
LIKE & SHARE 如果你喜歡這個影片,那會幫我很多
點擊1080p觀看高清畫質
****前面上一集回顧說的Outlast = The last of us ==" 講錯LOL !!! (拍謝)
關注我的Youtube: http://goo.gl/3TVkJT
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原本The Last of Us Last part (上) : http://goo.gl/vHb2zO
Remastered版Photo Mode拍照模式 : http://goo.gl/kacisk
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The Last of Us: Remastered offers the award-winning game rebuilt to run in 1080p, with a list of upgrades including higher resolution character models, improved shadows and lighting, and upgraded textures. It also comes bonus DLC material included, such as the Left Behind single-player expansion chapter, the Abandoned Territories multiplayer map pack, and the Reclaimed Territories map pack.
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The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Walkthrough Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Let's Play Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Lets Play Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Gameplay Part 2
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最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中文Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中字Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中文字幕Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘實況Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘遊戲Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中文版Part 2
老吳最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘第二集
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